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A REPORT

On

The WORKSHOP FOR ARMENIAN/TURKISH SCHOLARSHIP

 

(The first draft of this Report was reviewed, edited  and approved by the two other organizers of WATS, Professors Muge Gocek and Ronald Suny. The revised version was made available to and discussed by the participants of WATS V, held at NYU in May, 2006. The author takes full responsibility, nonetheless, for the contents of this final version.)

 

 

I. INTRODUCTION

 

This report is an attempt to assess the road traveled by the Workshop for Armenian/Turkish Scholarship (WATS) since its first gathering in 2000. In essence, the success of this endeavor calls for a review of its activities and options for the future. Now that we have completed the fifth meeting, we need to ask the question: Where do we go from here?

 

WATS was conceived by Professors Ronald Suny (at the time at the University of Chicago) and Fatma Muge Gocek (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor) and supported by a small group of other faculty at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Subsequently, Ronald Suny and Muge Gocek were joined by Professor Gerard Libaridian, constituting the core group.

 

WATS has been an attempt to see if the issue of Turkish Armenian relations and its most critical moment, events during World War I, could be taken out of the politically charged atmosphere and reworked as a problem with a historical context that required input from other fields, such as sociology, anthropology, and political science as well as comparative studies. While fully cognizant of the politics engendered by battles for and against genocide recognition, the organizers were aware of how both scholarship and advocacy had been damaged by the entanglement of multiple goals—scholarship, advocacy and reconciliation. It was a matter of finding the theoretical framework and intellectual tools that would allow the full exploration of events long ago that continue to reverberate to our day.

 

The goal of the Workshop was to transcend paradigms based on the “Armenian” and “Turkish” positions, and create a field of inquiry sustained by scholarly rigor, intellectual honesty and interaction between scholars who respected each other’s intents and positions, regardless of their ethnic origin.

 

The format adopted, namely that of a workshop, as well as the themes proposed and the list of participants invited to each gathering were consequences of the above considerations. The workshop format relieved presentations from the pressures of addressing large audiences that are often more interested in hearing scholars repeat their set positions. The format avoided the grand standing and/or extreme cautiousness that limited the scope of inquiries or resulted in intellectual intimidation. As opposed to conferences, the workshop format also allowed time for discussions; it provided the right setting for scholars to venture non-conventional opinions and conclusions in a non-political environment. Finally, it enabled the organizers to limit the list of invitees to scholars whose scholarship and intellectual rigor and self respect would make a dialog possible on a level and with temperaments that allowed inquisitiveness and historical contextualizing rather than a sense of having the whole truth and holding on to it exclusively at all costs. Above all, these were scholars who were willing and ready to listen to each other, and assess each other’s inquiries and interventions on the basis of mutual respect.

 

WATS started by rejecting the view that scholarly dialogue can be based on the negotiating of history as if conducting a rug purchase in a bazaar. Rather than impose artificial “middle” or “balanced” positions, WATS instead sought to enrich our understanding through research and discussion and expand our understanding in a way that a more complex and nuanced portrayal of the past will inevitably bring closer and bridge the gap between the two histories that have been written or promoted as not only contradictory but also as separate, almost as if unrelated, narratives. WATS participants concur that this is a slow and at times tedious process, certainly, but that is also a more productive one. This is also an open process, where participation is not based on a litmus test of using or not-using the term “genocide” and without a predetermined outcome. The process would evolve in whatever ways research and discourse led.

 

The tentative initial step in 2000 encountered, even before the gathering took place, apprehension and politically motivated attacks from both Armenian and Turkish circles. WATS I at the University of Chicago proved, however, that such a dialogue was possible, leading the organizers to plan future meetings with confidence. By the second meeting that took place at the University of Michigan in 2002, many of the early doubters and fence-sitters, and even the critics, started to join the process.

 

WATS is an informal process and does not constitute an organization, not even a formal group. Organizers facilitate, consult, discuss and plan, leaving the workshop process itself at the center of activities; it is self-ruling, deriving its strength and legitimacy from its constituency and its sound principles. The advantages of the absence of an organizational structure are offset by the absence of administrative support to the core group. This is a problem especially since each of the meetings has had a different venue, including one in Europe.

 

With the growing number of scholars involved in the process and an increasing recognition, WATS has also had to resist the temptation to adopt formal resolutions or positions that might have the unintended consequence of being drawn into politics and advocacy and, consequently, closing doors. The organizers have resisted attempts to engage in political or advocacy activities in the name of WATS, while assuming the position that individually the scholars, whether organizers or participants, are free to act in their own name.

 

WATS was conceived and has functioned without any ties to the governments of Turkey and Armenia or any other government. The organizers have volunteered their time. The financing of meetings has come mainly from two categories of sources: the institutions hosting the meetings and donations from private foundations (Louise Manoogian Simone, for every meeting; Cafesjian, for WATS III; the Flora Family Foundation, for WATS V) not connected to any government. The University of Michigan Dean’s Office has contributed regularly as well. The budget is administered as a sub-account for the Workshop in the Department of History of the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, according to University rules.

 

 

II. ACCOMPLISHMENTS

 

A. MEETINGS

 

  1. Five meetings in seven years. (All the programs can be found on the website)
  2. In addition to presenters of research, 28 participants have either chaired sessions or commented on papers and presentations.
  3. Some 65 scholars, journalists and others have participated as invited guests.
  4. The number of total participants per meeting:

WATS I (University of Chicago, 2000): 20

WATS II (University of Michigan, 2002): 40

WATS III (University of Minnesota, 2003): 45

WATS IV (Salzburg Seminars, 2005): 45

WATS V (New York University, 2006): 47-50

  1. Total number of those involved (counting some who have participated more than once): approximately 175.

 

B. PAPERS

 

  1. Total number of papers presented: 85. In addition there have 13 presentations at public sessions, some informative some substantive.
  2. Distribution of papers by topic:

 

    1. Pre-WWI

a. Focusing on the Turkish dimension: 3

b. Focusing on the Armenian dimension: 5

c. Others: 4

d. General: 2

 

    1. WWI

a. Focusing on the Turkish dimension: 10

b. Focusing on the Armenian dimension: 8

c. Others: 6

d. General: 11

 

    1. Post-WWI

a. Focusing on the Turkish dimension: 5

b. Focusing on the Armenian dimension: 9

c. Others: 6

 

    1. Conceptual/Theoretical: 17

 

 

 

 

 

III. QUALITATIVE IMPACT

 

1. This Workshop, due to the vision of those who conceived and organized it and to its solid intellectual and structural underpinnings, has been the single most successful endeavor to bring down the wall that separated scholars on this matter. A history of WATS would have to consider the role of a number of individuals, factors and events that created the preconditions for the inception and success of WATS. The two most important among these are a) the independence of Armenia and the policies adopted by the first government that attempted to de- politicize Genocide recognition and to open dialogue with the Turkish government.; and b) the significant changes in Turkish society during the past 20 years, the efforts to join the European Community, and the emergence of a civil society prepared to challenge the state defined/imposed view of history.

 

Yet, a number of other undertakings were discontinued either at their inception or failed in the end. One can think of TARC, the Yerevan State University/Ankara University agreements, the Vienna based project to exchange documents involving the Turkish Center for Armenian Research and Armenia’s Genocide Museum, as well a number of conferences and colloquia on Turkish/Armenian relations with high hopes for quick results. Many of these efforts were sincere but ill designed; others had goals beyond what scholars can achieve directly in a short time; still others were conceived as political projects but were either hiding behind scholarship or wanted to use scholarship and the credibility of scholars to achieve clearly political goals. This is not to say that these efforts were in vain. At the least, they testify to a changed environment; and even in failure, some efforts contribute to the legitimation of interaction.

 

WATS succeeded because it was able to place the term genocide back into history and scientific discourse and it refused to engage in the genocide recognition battles, which comprise sore points both for Turkey and the Armenian side. While acutely aware of the “political” ramifications of the process and of scholarship, WATS organizers were able to distinguish between scholarship and politics and thus sustain a genuine dialogue in one area. It is the self-imposed modesty of the project that constitutes the basis of its achievements.

 

2. WATS has invited, encouraged and provided a forum for micro-studies which, despite their critical importance for the study of the subject, would have found no other fora where they could be presented, challenged, and made part of the larger investigation process.

 

3. WATS has caused a shift in the “politics” of scholarship on the subject and redefined the field. From being considered on the fringes of the spectrum, it has become the “center.” Now it is those who oppose this approach that are considered extreme or marginal.

 

4. The papers prepared for WATS or presented at its meetings have raised a number of questions which had never been asked before and, in some cases, answered them. More importantly, these papers and the ensuing discussions have started to integrate the two histories, just as the lives of peoples were in the Ottoman Empire.

 

5. It is possible that a virtual community has been created with the workshop listserv that can now discuss and tackle issues based on the principles of intellectual integrity and mutual respect. On an increasing number of issues debated in that forum differences of opinion and approach have little to do with a writer’s ethnic background. The listserv, of course, has absorbed much more of the tension and controversies than the Workshop could or was initially intended for.

 

6. WATS has had an indirect influence in the convening of the Istanbul Conference in September 2005. Many of the organizers of the conference were associated with the Workshop. One can assume that the language and tone established at the Workshop played a significant role in the conception of that first in kind conference that shattered many taboos.

 

 

 

IV. AUXILIARY ACTIVITIES

 

1. The WATS listserv, originally intended for communication between the participants, underwent an explosion after WATS IV in Salzburg, now reaching over 400 addresses. The increase came as result of other scholars and interested individuals wishing to know more about the Workshop and as a form of participation in the process. The listserv soon turned into a chat room like forum that was is used to a) disseminate information on publications, events, and developments relevant to the topic, b) exchange of views, c) a source for collecting signatures on various petitions dealing with academic freedom and the right to research, think, and publish.

 

This explosion of numbers and uses has also created problems. Some have been annoyed by the sheer volume of emails; others have written messages in a style that is contrary to the principles of the Workshop. Additionally, while we have been able to keep advocacy issues away from the Workshop itself, it has been difficult to do the same with the listserv, which has engaged more individuals and individuals who are not, strictly, speaking scholars. The complex politics of genocide recognition has inevitable changed the character of the listserv. Professor Gocek, who manages the listserv, has done her best to set some rules and guidelines. Nonetheless, we will need to rethink the use of the listserv.

 

2. The new WATS website (armturkworkshop.org), may alleviate some of the problems related to the listserv. It will have a chat room, thus the discussions will move to the website and the use of the listserv can be limited to its original intent.

 

The website will also have information on past meetings and, hopefully, papers presented at such meetings, should the presenters submit them. Thus the research promoted by WATS will be accessible to audiences wider than the participants.

 

Here too we will need to develop policies and guidelines.

 

3. A select group of papers presented during the past five meetings will be collected in a volume to be published sometime next year, edited by professors Suny and Gocek. It was suggested during WATS V that the volume be translated and published also in Turkish and Armenian.

 

4. As an indication of the progress achieved in creating the mature intellectual environment and a common language to address the common past, WATS has initiated a mini-project, the joint writing of the history of a town in Anatolia. The Akn/Egin Project is still in its conceptual and initial planning stage. This is a labor intensive undertaking that requires the assistance of a number of researchers. At the present time we have the finances to proceed with the Project that will be led by Professors Gocek and Libaridian.

The Akn/Egin Project will test our assumptions and possibly serve as a model for similar studies later and, possibly, for an ambitious project to write the history of Turkish/Armenian relations as a joint project.

 

5. As a result of a special effort by the organizers, the number of younger scholars participating in WATS meetings had increased. Six of the eleven papers presented at WATS V were by graduate students.

 

In recognition of its many achievements the Workshop was awarded the MESA Academic Freedom Prize in 2005.

 

 

 

V. POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DISAGREEMNT

 

  1. There is general agreement that scholarly and intellectual discourse on the events of World War I cannot begin with an insistence on the use of the term genocide. First, because of the widespread ignorance on the subject in some circles; second, because of the ambiguities of the concept itself; third, because we must begin with the assumption that we don’t know everything.

 

  1. There is general agreement that one has to distinguish between explaining events and justifying them. One also has to distinguish between state historians who deny as a matter of politics that the treatment of Armenians by the Ottoman government constituted genocide and cover their position under the guise of scholarship, and others who genuinely are not convinced by the evidence and do not find the term appropriate. The criticism heard on occasion that only those who characterize the events of 1915 as genocide participate in Workshop sessions is not valid.

 

It is true, however, that the Workshop organizers have not engaged those who are not scholars as well as those whose scholarship they consider conditioned by politics and whose positions are not amenable to discussion. In other words, the organizers have left out what they consider the extreme positions: those who, against all evidence, deny that anything calamitous and out of the ordinary took place during the War and even worse, on the “Turkish” side; and, on the other, those who consider the case closed and discussion futile, and display a racist and/or anti-historical approach on the “Armenian” side.

 

Admittedly, the distinction calls for judgment and sometimes it is difficult to draw clear lines. On occasion Turkish officials have suggested that certain historians who agree with the official position of that government that denies a genocide took place be also included in the Workshop proceedings. Others too have suggested that the Workshop should include the full spectrum of positions on the subject. At first sight this may be sound like a legitimate expectation. Yet there are a number of issues to be considered. First, it is worth repeating that this is not a workshop consumed by the use or non-use of the term “genocide.” The whole idea is to move away from that problem to make possible research and discussion of the history of the period. Second, including one extreme position would also mean to include the other. Under the circumstances, the Workshop meetings would turn into shouting matches, simply put.

 

As I recently communicated to a Turkish official, there are many forums where these scholars occupying the extreme, anti-historical positions express themselves; it is even possible, I suggested, to create another workshop where those whose only concern is the affirmation or denial of the genocide can meet and focus on that particular battle.

 

 

  1. There is general agreement that the Turkish official narrative has little to do with history and scholarship.

 

  1. There is general agreement that the Armenian discourse often lacks the context, the rigor and the amplitude that would explain all aspects of events; that it is particularly weak in exploring the causation process; that in some cases the confusion between moral and historical categories is taken for granted.

 

  1. There is general agreement on the role of the CUP and the government and organizations it controlled in executing the mass deportation and massacres of Armenians during World War I, some considering it part of a pattern from the past, most seeing in it as a qualitatively different policy. Some still do not see this policy as genocide because of their more stringent definition of the term than the one offered in the UN Genocide Convention or are not convinced that there was “intent to commit genocide;” others still find it pedagogically counterproductive in the current atmosphere.

 

  1. There is general agreement that historically the Ottoman state used massive repression, massacres and deportations of civilian populations as tools to quell discontent among various peoples. Many have also argued that such measures were not unique to the Ottoman state, even if they may not have reached the proportions of measures against Armenians during World War I.

 

  1. A number of factors have been presented as causes for Ottoman policy toward Armenians: demography, politics, empire-to-state transition, visions of imperial designs or for a “purified” nation-state, irrational fears and rational calculations, racism, etc. While these constitute a wide array, they are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Nonetheless, there is agreement that this dimension needs further clarification

 

  1. There is general agreement that the policies were implemented on a massive scale in an organized manner and that ultimately the CUP and the Ottoman state bear responsibility for the calamity. Though little systematic research has been done, there are disagreements on the non-Armenian population in the execution of the policies.

 

  1. There are disagreements on the timing of the decision for the calamitous policies. A few consider the genocide to have started in 1878 under Sultan Abdulhamid II; others, seeing a qualitative difference in what happened during 1915-1917, place the decision sometime between 1909 and 1915; still others have concluded that 1915 started with decisions that were less than genocidal but evolved into policies that amounted to genocide, without necessarily having started with such intentions.

 

  1. There is general agreement that the understanding of the genocide requires the creation of the larger context of not only the Ottoman Empire but also the Western, imperialist policies with regard to the Ottoman state and Armenians.

 

 

These are general characterizations and require further refinement and specificity for the purpose of guiding the organizers and participants toward projects that will focus on areas of new research and analysis.

 

 

VI. AREAS THAT REQUIRE FURTHER RESEARCH

 

While even areas relatively well researched require further research and analysis, the workshop organizers and participants have indicated the following as areas that require particular attention:

 

  1. The definition of the term genocide and its application to the Armenian case, beyond the legal definition provided by the UN Convention: historical and sociological definitions as understood by specialists, its use by international courts, as well as an analysis of the term as accepted by the Turkish government in contemporary cases, since the position of the Turkish government is crucial in the legitimation of the scholarship that rejects the term in the Armenian case.
  2. The various economic dimesniosn, including the agrarian issue, in the understanding of pre-war relations between the Ottoman state and its Armenian subjects.
  3. Precedents: 1894-1896 massacres; 1909, Adana.
  4. Resistance, revolt, and revenge.
  5. The role of European Great Powers and imperialism; comparisons with other empires
  6. The role of the Russo-Turkish and Balkan wars.
  7. The artistic/visual/material culture dimensions.
  8. Communal histories in specific localities and their evolution from neighborliness through deportations and massacres.
  9. Demographics and the geography of events.
  10. Gender issues and WWI.
  11. Points of contact (social, political, cultural, etc) between various peoples of the Empire.
  12. Post-Genocide Armenians in Republican Turkey, including the hemshinlis.

 

 

VII. ISSUES TO BE DISCUSSED IN RELATION TO THE FUTURE DIRECTION OF WATS

 

A. Administrative/structural

 

  1. Should WATS be institutionalized?
  2. Listserv: Uses/policies
  3. Website: Uses/policies and management
  4. Should we discontinue the public sessions the purpose of which has been to inform the media and interested individuals about the WATS process, considering the history of such sessions (successful at Minnesota, no audience at Salzburg, very politicized in New York)?
  5. Workshop format: Is there need to revise the current once every year or every two years gathering of 25 or so scholars? Should we replace it or supplement it with smaller workshops devoted to specific topics, encouraging dimensions that have been neglected? We could:
    1. Continue the current format
    2. Continue meeting once a year but break it up into smaller groups each dealing with one specialized topic
    3. Have smaller workshop throughout the year on specialized topics.

 

B. Substantive

 

  1. Workshop direction: Is there need to revisit aims? Should we now pursue research on more specific themes?
  2. New sub-projects: Should we engage in new sub-projects, such as promoting the collection of archival sources, an idea suggested at Salzburg?

 

C. Scholarly and other contacts

7.8. Contacts with similar projects: Is there a benefit to creating contacts with similar projects that engage in the study of other conflicting histories? What form could these assume?

  1. Can the criteria for participation be further refined or should it be revised?

 

The organizers will be meeting in August to discuss these issues.

 

Prepared on behalf of the organizers by

Gerard Libaridian

University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

May 10, 2006